Controversies over reservation are nothing new. There has been consistent opposition against it ever since the policy was drafted and implemented. Whenever the quota question is raised, it leads to arguments and counter arguments from various quarters. Some call it discrimination, while others perceive it as a remedy to bridge the gap between different groups. There are clear and deterministic positions, perspectives and approaches on this question. This shows how important the question of caste is and how society is divided on the subject. The same sentiments and enthusiasm are not reflected on the question of gender. The women’s reservation Bill has been pending for decades in Parliament due to the lack of consensus. The BJP-led NDA government has brought a new angle to the whole debate by passing a Bill that proposes 10 per cent reservation for economically weaker sections of the general category.

The philosophy of reservation

The discourse, debate and questions about reservation cannot be understood without bringing history into the inquiry. The origin of the problems lies in the country’s social structure. India holds the distinction of being one of the most stratified, hierarchical and divided societies in the world. The sources of these inequalities are to be found in the institution of caste. People are assigned fixed identities and social status at birth. In this social arrangement, groups are so hierarchically placed to each other in such a manner that there are differential and hierarchical rights, duties and privileges. Those at the top have historical and cumulative advantages, while those at the bottom have pain and disadvantages. The interaction between people are guided by their social and historical locations.

When people are divided into discrete social categories, it also leads to division in their experiences, worldviews, histories and politics. The arguments both in favour and against have certain historical and social locations. Caste is a prominent issue that has its roots and origin in religion and socio-cultural beliefs and practices. It is not an economic structure with social implications, rather a social structure with economic implications. The social identities of people are fixed and don’t change with any improvement in the economic position. Hence, the parameters of reservation from the start have been social rather than economic. Reservation has been conceptualised as a social intervention rather than a poverty alleviation programme by the state. It is a tool or a remedy to provide representation to those groups who have been discriminated and denied equal opportunities in the past.

The state and reservation

Historically, reservation as an official policy came during the colonial period. Colonial authorities were forced to address the question of caste-determined inequalities due to its political significance. The Madras Revenue Board passed an order in 1851 directing all district collectors to check the monopoly of certain groups in government jobs. Since then, the state acquired an important role in the democratic distribution of public resources. The then princely state of Kolhapur under the leadership of Chhatrapati Shahu Ji Maharaj issued an order in 1902 reserving 50 per cent public employment for the socially backward. He played an important role in promoting education, public employment and removing social disabilities. After independence, the Constitution created special provisions for the inclusion, promotion and representation of socially marginalised groups. Subsequent governments continued the policy and also brought in many castes under its purview due to the political awakening and consciousness.

It became an important and potent tool for political mobilisation. In order to survive, many governments used reservation as a sure and certain guarantee for political success and dividends. V.P. Singh used the social justice plank in the late 1980s and early ’90s to consolidate the OBC vote bank. In September 1991, a memo issued by the then P.V. Narasimha Rao government reserved 10 per cent of posts for “other economically backward sections”. In 2006, the then HRD minister, Arjun Singh, promised 27 per cent reservation for OBCs in educational institutions. Over the years, many regional and national parties have promised reservation to different groups at the state level. The BJP has resisted and branded reservation to Muslims and Christians as appeasement. However, it has gave in to political pressure in many states and implemented the same for OBCs. The recent 10 per cent reservation initiative is along the same lines. It is designed to consolidate the upper caste votes in its favour after the bitter loss in recent Assembly polls.

The crisis in the economy

The Indian economy is going through a transitional phase. There has been uneven growth in different sectors, with the services sector emerging as a dominant player. It contributes 57.09 per cent to the GDP, whereas only 25.3 per cent of the people are dependent on it. Agriculture has been badly hit by government policies as well as liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. According to government sources, 53.2 per cent of the people are dependent on agriculture for their livelihood whereas the sector’s share of the GDP has gone down to 12.35 per cent. Today, agriculture has become a loss-making venture. It is not without reason that farmer suicides are increasing and it has become a political issue. Various governments are using this as an opportunity to encash their vulnerabilities in the form of votes by promising debt relief. Unemployment and vulnerabilities in the farm sector are growing and they are manifested by the demand for reservation by traditionally farming castes such as Jats in Rajasthan and Haryana, Patidars in Gujarat, Marathas in Maharashtra and Kapus in Andhra Pradesh.

The Indian economy is the fastest-growing major economy in the world, surpassing China. However, the bulk of the growth is happening in the organised private sector at the cost of small-scale industries. Liberalisation has led to excessive pressure on the latter. According to government sources, the manufacturing sector saw a decline of 31 lakh jobs from 2004-05 to 2009-10. There is a crisis in the labour market, resulting in stiff competition for available jobs. The crisis can be understood by the fact that science graduates, engineers and PhD holders are clamouring for Class IV government jobs.

Government employment has become one of the most important sources of power, prestige and respect. For a layman, a government job means a secure and regular income. Even a Class IV job is most sought after due to the security factor. However, public sector jobs have declined sharply over the years. As per the labour ministry, there has been a loss of 19 lakh government jobs between 1995 and 2011. There will be more job loss in the coming years. The unemployment rate is rising steadily. More and more jobs are lost due to modernisation, upgradation and technological advancements in both private and public sectors. It is leading to competition and tension between and among various groups.

Challenges and implications

If seen holistically, jobs in the government sector - central, state, quasi-government and local bodies - may not absorb beyond 2 per cent of the population. Hence the natural and inevitable question that comes to mind is the rationale of the 10 per cent quota for the general category. Even if one ignores the parameters to define “economically weaker sections”, what is the meaning of reservation if there are no public sector jobs? There is a silent consensus among parties in favour of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. This means, there won’t be major policy-level changes and shifts across various parties irrespective of their ideological positions.

Another important issue is the timing. The announcement came just after the BJP’s defeat in the Assembly polls. The policy was drafted in a hurry without consulting other parties or arriving at a consensus. Many regional parties have aired their public opposition. A legal challenge is inevitable, delaying the process. However, one thing is for sure. Whether the policy is implemented or not, the BJP will try to use the announcement as an opportunity to consolidate its vote bank. BJP-ruled states such as Gujarat and Jharkhand have already announced its implementation of the quota.

Conclusion

Reservation has been one of the key policy decisions taken by the government to undo historical wrongs. Successive governments have retained the policy as they haven’t been able to tackle the question of caste-determined inequalities. This has resulted in the politicisation of reservation and naturalisation of caste. There are already demands for sub-categorisation within the reserved groups. The issue is not going to die down soon, given the historical and empirical complexities. The debate is going to get bitter with time and the lack of jobs will add fuel to the fire. The fight is going to intensify as more and more groups exert pressure for their share of public resources. The 10 per cent quota is a political bait, but it has the potential of creating new alliances and add more dimensions to the complex identity politics. It will alter regional and national politics in the years to come.

Prashant Kumar Kain is an assistant professor at EFL University, Hyderabad. The views expressed here are personal.